opinion

American Thinker Blames Carney and Burnham’s Woes on ‘Ministries of Truth,’ Not Trump or Putin

A new American Thinker column argues that Canada and Britain are papering over domestic decline by blaming Trump, Putin, and 'white supremacy' — and building speech-police agencies to silence anyone who notices.

American Thinker Blames Carney and Burnham's Woes on 'Ministries of Truth,' Not Trump or Putin

Canada and the United Kingdom are failing, their leaders know it, and their response is to build ever more elaborate machinery for controlling what their citizens are allowed to say about it. That is the argument of a new American Thinker column by J.B. Shurk, which surveys the political scenes in both countries — Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s recent sit-down with The New York Times, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s address to the United Nations General Assembly, and the widening network of British speech-policing bodies — and concludes that both governments have settled on the same strategy: blame outside actors for a decline they are accelerating.

The piece, published September 30 at American Thinker, opens by describing Carney’s interview with the Times as something between a bluff and a farce. According to the column, Carney used the platform to discuss military preparations against the United States in the event President Trump attempted to “liberate” Canada, and to outline plans to reorient Canada’s economy toward China and the European Union while shifting away from the U.S. dollar as a reserve currency.

Shurk’s assessment of that program is unsparing: he notes that the U.S. essentially underpins Canada’s economy and national security, and describes Carney’s posture as a comic display of manufactured strength. The column’s larger point is that Otttawa is rhetorically defending Canadian sovereignty while preparing to hand economic direction to Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Xi Jinping and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen — an arrangement Shurk frames as subjugation disguised as independence.

Britain’s Expanding Information-Control Apparatus

The column then turns to Burnham’s UN General Assembly speech, in which the British prime minister announced yet another speech-policing body — one called the “National Centre for Information Defence.” Shurk places that announcement within a long list of existing British information-control units, including the Research, Information, and Communications Unit; the Government Communication Service; the Counter Disinformation Unit; the Defending Democracy Taskforce; the Information Threats and Influence Directorate; the Rapid Response Unit; the National Cyber Force and Social Cohesion Taskforce; and the Media Monitoring Unit.

Burnham, per the column, laid the blame for Britain’s problems at Russia’s door — accusing Moscow of spreading “a narrative of decline, stoking division, and sowing despair” — and promised to counter that “information warfare” by censoring public speech and substituting state-sanctioned messaging. Shurk’s retort is that Westminster itself is the source of the decline, division, and despair, and that the new agency amounts to a digital Iron Curtain erected in the name of protecting democracy.

What follows is a catalogue of grievances about modern Britain. Shurk cites the government’s rate of granting settlement or citizenship — on average, he writes, one illegal alien per minute — the welfare costs borne by British taxpayers, and the Home Office’s distribution of a nine-page booklet instructing mostly-Muslim men of military age that raping women and children is illegal. He notes that in the last two years the number of illegal immigrants arriving by boat exceeded the size of the entire British Army, and that roughly 65,000 Britons have been arrested for speech-related offenses over the last five years. The column’s framing is blunt: foreign invasion is treated as acceptable, free speech as intolerable.

Conscription, Habeas Corpus, and ‘Duty to Die’

Shurk also points to the British debate over conscription. He describes a recent episode of former cabinet minister Jacob Rees-Mogg’s GB News program “State of the Nation,” in which a commentator in favor of mass conscription argued that “we would have to lock a few people up” — specifically “the pro-Russian voices, people saying there isn’t a threat, don’t fight for your country, don’t go to war for Burnham.” Rather than recoiling, Rees-Mogg reportedly answered that habeas corpus was suspended during the Napoleonic Wars. In a separate interview, the column says, Rees-Mogg remarked that British citizens have a “duty” to “die” for Britain in a war against Russia.

For Shurk, the exchange illustrates the shape of the Burnham-era settlement: imprison anyone who dissents, and sacrifice everyone else. The British Isles, he writes, might as well be renamed the Gulag Archipelago.

Then there is the question of the BBC. The column notes that GB News discovered last week that Ofcom, Britain’s media regulator, had suppressed data showing viewers trust GB News more than the BBC, and that GB News ranks above all other networks for viewpoint diversity and impartiality. In Shurk’s reading, Ofcom withheld the findings to protect the BBC’s reputation as an objective, premier news source — a perception he dismisses as false.

The funding arrangements come in for particular scorn. Every U.K. household, the column notes, must pay a £180 annual licence fee to the BBC whether or not it watches. With more households refusing to pay, the government is reportedly weighing a mandatory £11-a-month internet tax to keep the broadcaster funded. The BBC’s justification — that the fee is “essential for maintaining the quality and diversity of public broadcasting in the UK” — is treated by Shurk as an invitation to examine what that quality and diversity actually produce. His example: a recent BBC expose arguing that women who leave their nails unpainted perpetuate white supremacy, because nail art’s roots are linked to black, Latino, and Asian communities and because calling bare nails elegant or tasteful amounts to a euphemism that “perpetuate[s] white supremacist standards of beauty.”

Earlier this year, Shurk adds, British authorities announced that YouTube and other social platforms would be required to manipulate their algorithms to push BBC news to the top of feeds in order to counter disinformation. His characterization: the state takes money from citizens to fund its own television and then compels them to watch it — Soviet-style propaganda by another name. He notes that the BBC, Canada’s CBC, and America’s NPR and PBS would all reject any comparison to Pravda or RT, a rejection he treats as proof of the point.

‘The Problem Isn’t the Problem’

Shurk’s closing move is to highlight a contradiction he finds in Burnham’s own rhetoric. The prime minister, he writes, dismissed Britain’s “narrative of decline” and “despair” as corrosive and untrue, attributing public dissent to “far-right narratives” — then turned around and unveiled a ten-year plan to fight inflation, housing costs, hopelessness, inequality, and division. The column quotes military historian Professor Michael Rainsborough’s mockery of the maneuver: “The problem isn’t the problem, the problem is the people noticing the problem.” If decline truly bore no resemblance to reality, Rainsborough observes, reality would not require a ten-year plan to fix.

The column’s conclusion is that both Canada and Britain are genuinely failing, that their publics have noticed, and that Carney and Burnham are attempting to whitewash reality with fabricated narratives. The worse conditions become, Shurk predicts, the harder it will be for their ministries of truth to succeed — and the more likely the BBC is to pin the blame on Trump, Putin, and “white supremacy.”

Whatever one makes of Shurk’s polemical style, the underlying structural observation is not unique to American Thinker. Western governments have spent the past several years building counter-disinformation capacity at speed, and the line between countering foreign information operations and policing domestic dissent is genuinely contested. Shurk argues the line has already been crossed; the agencies he lists suggest the infrastructure exists, even if reasonable observers will disagree about how it is being used. What is less contestable is that both Carney and Burnham have chosen to frame their countries’ difficulties primarily as problems of narrative rather than of policy — a bet that the public will accept the framing, and one the column clearly expects to fail.

Source: www.americanthinker.com — https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2026/09/failing-canada-and-britain-blame-trump-putin-and-white-supremacy/





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